According to Lizabeth Cohen, common union affiliation and allegiance to the Democratic Party blurred ethnic, if not racial, distinctions and, by the late 1930s, forged a working-class identity. Why, then, did race prove stronger than class among industrial workers in wartime and postwar Detroit?

Please answer one (1) of the following questions in a double-spaced, typewritten essay, with one inch or wider margins, not to exceed six pages in length.A good answer will marshal evidence from the assigned readings and from the lectures to support its argument. You may, of course, draw on outside reading, but to supplement, not to replace, evidence from the assigned reading. Your essay will be judged on the basis of its organization, clarity, and persuasiveness.Assigned readings :Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939Thomas J. Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit1. According to Thomas Sugrue, “discrimination in Detroit must be understood as historically specific.” Discrimination in employment, he says, “occurred for a variety of complex reasons,” only one of which was racial prejudice. What other complex reasons help account for the discrimination in employment practices that African Americans experienced in Detroit during and after the Second World War?2. How did Detroit, once celebrated as America’s “arsenal of democracy,” its blue-collar workers highly paid homeowners, become by 1990 America’s “first major Third World city,” a city where over a third of its population lived below the poverty line?3. Working-class Detroiters, black as well as white, subscribed to the American ideal of home ownership, viewing their home as a retreat from the pressures of work, as economic security, as an investment in the future, as a center for their community, and as a symbol of their success as Americans. Why was it a lot easier for white Detroiters to realize this ideal than black Detroiters?4. According to Lizabeth Cohen, common union affiliation and allegiance to the Democratic Party blurred ethnic, if not racial, distinctions and, by the late 1930s, forged a working-class identity. Why, then, did race prove stronger than class among industrial workers in wartime and postwar Detroit?